Written in 2024 and updated in 2025

In The New Social Theory Reader by Steven Seidman and Jeffrey C. Alexander, one of the most pivotal figures explored is Jürgen Habermas—a philosopher and sociologist whose theories on law and democracy continue to shape contemporary discourse. His work, featured in Chapter One, unpacks the complex relationship between democratic governance and the legal system, offering a powerful framework for understanding how modern societies function (and do not).

At the heart of Habermas’s philosophy is the concept of communicative action—the idea that rational discourse and mutual understanding are essential for democracy to thrive. In his view, democracy is only as strong as the public’s ability to engage in meaningful, reasoned dialogue. The law, then, becomes more than a set of rules—it transforms into a reflection of collective will and a safeguard for justice and equality.

As Habermas puts it:

“What makes communicative reason possible is the linguistic medium through which interactions are woven together, and forms of life are structured.”

The Public Sphere and Deliberative Democracy

A key component of Habermas’s theory is the concept of the public sphere—a space where individuals gather as equals to discuss shared concerns. This concept is central to how he defines democracy: a system where deliberative democracy can flourish, diverse viewpoints can be expressed, and consensus can be reached through open and inclusive discussion.

In this setting, the law serves as a codification of the collective dialogue that takes place within the public sphere. It formalizes shared norms into structures that govern social behavior, ensuring that society reflects the values that its people have negotiated.

However, Habermas’s optimism is tempered by realism—especially given the historical context of post–World War II Europe. As he observed:

“Just when it could emerge as the sole heir of the moral practical self-understanding of modernity, it lacks the energy to drive ahead with the task of imposing social and ecological restraints on capitalism at the breathtaking level of global society”
(Seidman, 2008, p. 35).

Critique of Modernity: Technology, Power, and the Lifeworld

Habermas is sharply critical of how money, power, and technology distort public discourse. In his view, these forces create deep divides and diminish the public’s ability to engage in authentic communication. He warns of what he calls the “colonization of the lifeworld”—when bureaucratic systems and instrumental logic invade everyday human interaction, stripping individuals of autonomy and meaning.

He is particularly wary of how technological advancement can reinforce social inequality. Access to information, platforms for discourse, and the ability to participate meaningfully in democratic processes are increasingly tied to power and privilege.

“The systemic integration attained through money and power must retain its dependence upon socially integrative processes of civic self-determination in accordance with the Constitutional understanding of the legal community.”
(Seidman, 2008, p. 42).

Why Habermas Still Matters

Habermas’s work continues to influence a wide array of disciplines, including legal theory, political science, and media studies. His ideas have sparked critical conversations about deliberative democracy, legal pluralism, and the role of civil society in democratic engagement.

For researchers and practitioners alike, Habermas offers more than theory—he offers a roadmap for reform. Policymakers, educators, and activists can draw from his work to promote transparency, accountability, and inclusive civic participation. His framework enables us to assess whether our institutions genuinely serve democratic values—or merely simulate them.

Final Thoughts

Habermas reminds us that democracy isn’t just about laws. It’s about voices. It’s about creating spaces where people can speak, be heard, and reach a mutual understanding. As we continue to confront digital influence, economic inequality, and political division, his vision of the public sphere and communicative rationality becomes more urgent than ever.

In an age where algorithms often replace dialogue, Habermas calls us back to conversation.

Written in 2024 and expanded in 2025

The rise of compulsory coding in education is more than a tech trend; it’s a philosophical shift. Rooted in yes-case/no-case theory, this evolving mandate reveals deeper questions about who decides what knowledge matters, and how that knowledge shapes society.

At the heart of this analysis are two key theorists: Jean Baudrillard and Michel Foucault, whose frameworks challenge how we define “truth” in a hyper-digital age. The “yes case” reflects State-sanctioned knowledge: structured, standardized, and enforced through educational policy. The “no case,” by contrast, represents self-selected, personally valued knowledge: the kind that escapes mainstream narratives.

This study asks a fundamental question: Are we becoming more like machines, or are machines becoming more like us?

Coding as a Philosophical Shift

Kissinger (2018) explored how the rise of artificial intelligence and compulsory coding in schools introduced new “habits of mind” into public discourse. This isn’t just about tech skills, it’s about technology taking on a dominant cultural role, shaping how we think, communicate, and learn.

Baudrillard and Foucault wrote their theories long before the full impact of digital competency and AI became visible. Yet, their work, particularly Baudrillard’s ideas on digital abstraction and hyperreality, helps explain what’s happening now.

Coding for all is framed not only as a digital literacy movement but as a “transfer effect” from the digital abstractions Baudrillard warned about back in 1993 and 1995. Computational thinking, ethical dilemmas, and unintended social consequences all converge to shape a world where technology isn’t just a tool; it becomes a worldview.

Digital Shadows and Hyperreality

One striking comparison from the study is Baudrillard’s “digital Plato’s Cave.” In this metaphor, reality is no longer perceived directly, but through Digital Shadows. He asks, “Why speak, when we can communicate?” A line that underscores how interfaces and platforms mediate our human experience.

The study also connects to David Harvey’s ideas on postmodernity, pointing to a major shift in culture, politics, and economics since the 1970s. As Harvey explains, communication has become more fragmented and complex, shaped by meta-languages, meta-theories, and shifting narratives. These trends are especially visible in how different industries, including education and media, engage with coding, AI, and tech policy.

A Personal Connection

My dissertation research focuses on technology access at Hispanic-Serving Institutions, particularly for students from marginalized communities. It’s a topic informed not just by theory but by lived experience, including my time as a journalist and opinion writer.

Today, the media landscape is saturated with content; a lot of it AI-generated, rarely reviewed by humans. This shift changes not only how we communicate, but what we communicate. Trust in sources has eroded. The American perspective on global issues is often misaligned with how the rest of the world sees us. And in many cases, digital “truths” have replaced real-world understanding.

Final Thoughts

As Elon Musk warned in his own discussions about AI, digital trickery is no longer science fiction. It’s already here. I know, me quoting Elon Musk is out there, but the quote fits. Musk’s concerns mirror Baudrillard’s fears that media and machines increasingly mediate reality until the real and the artificial are indistinguishable.

As schools incorporate coding into their curricula and AI continues to evolve, we must ask: Are we equipping students with tools for empowerment, or are we embedding them even deeper into a system of abstraction?

It’s a deeply philosophical issue. It gets bigger the more the digital divide grows.

References Cited

Baudrillard, J. (1995). Simulacra and simulation. In Body, in theory: Histories of cultural materialism. University of Michigan Press.

Foucault, M. (1972). The archaeology of knowledge and the discourse on language. Translated by Alan Sheridan Smith. New York: Pantheon Books.

Foucault, M. (1981). The order of discourse. In R. Young (Ed.), Untying the text: A post-structuralist reader (pp. 48–78). Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Harvey, D. (2008). The Condition of Postmodernity. In S. Sideman & J. Alexander, The New Social Theory Reader (pp. 235–242). New York: Routledge.

Keenihan, S. (2017). Revealed today, Elon Musk’s new space vision took us from Earth to Mars, and back home again. In the conversation, Retrieved from: http://theconversation.com/revealed-today-elon-musks-new-space-vision-took-us-from-earth-to-mars-and-back-home-again-84837.

Kissinger, H. (2018). How the Enlightenment ends. Retrieved from: https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2018/06/henry-kissinger-ai-could-mean-the-end-of-human-history/559124/

Matousek, M. (2018). Elon Musk is launching his Tesla Roadster into space to prove a point — But it’s also a brilliant marketing move. Retrieved from: https://sports.yahoo.com/elon-musk-launching-tesla-roadster-172511191.html

Schroeder, J. (2018). Toward a discursive marketplace of ideas: Reimaging the marketplace metaphor in the era of social media, fake news, and artificial intelligence. First Amendment Studies, 51(1–2), 38–60.

Rogers, C. (2018). Falcon Heavy launch leaves inspiration in its wake. Retrieved from: https://medium.com/@rogerstigers/falcon-heavy-launch-leaves-inspiration-in-its-wake-d186a1bdb8e7

Tamatea, L. (2019). Compulsory coding in education: liberal-humanism, Baudrillard and the ‘problem’ of abstraction. Research and Practice in Technology Enhanced Learning, pp. 1–29.


Print Capitalism, National Consciousness, and the Problem with Imagined Unity

Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism explores how nationalism itself is not an organic development, but a socially constructed phenomenon—an “imagined community” built through shared language, culture, and crucially, the rise of print capitalism.

It’s a fascinating idea: that nations are not bound by physical borders but rather by the stories we tell ourselves and each other. Citizens build a sense of belonging through newspapers, novels, and other printed materials, one that gives people the illusion of unity with others they would never meet in person. Anderson argues that this shared sense of identity, while powerful, is imagined. And like many imagined ideas, it can be wielded for both cohesion and control.

From Anderson’s perspective, the press plays a key role in this construction. Journalism becomes not just a source of information, but a vehicle for reinforcing nationalism. At its best, the media is supposed to serve as a societal watchdog. However, under capitalism, and particularly when a handful of billionaires control the press, those ideals are often replaced by narratives that serve power, not the people.

In the same way state-run media has shaped public perception in countries like North Korea, Vietnam, or China (as Anderson notes on pages 282–283), Western media, though less overtly controlled, often operates in similar ways. Ownership, agenda, and ideology filter what gets published, and who gets heard. The result? A narrative that normalizes colonization, glorifies the past, and renders oppression and exploitation invisible to the mainstream.

And even though much of the media we consume today is digital rather than printed, the impact remains. Words are still “printed” on screens, and they still construct a national identity; one that often leans heavily into conservative values, especially in the U.S., where Christianity and nationalism frequently go hand in hand.

Now, to be clear: having pride in your country isn’t inherently problematic. However, when a selective history and curated information shape national pride, things become murky. For example, in certain rural or conservative parts of the U.S., public school curricula are shaped by school boards that may actively omit or distort historical realities, glossing over colonization, slavery, and the actual mechanics of war. Omission doesn’t just limit education; it undermines the national consciousness that Anderson described. Without honest reflection, the “imagined community” becomes more myth than memory.

Capitalism and the Narrative of Truth

Ideologies such as Marxism and socialism were founded on principles of equity and solidarity. However, when capitalism becomes the dominant force behind the circulation of information—especially when profit and power are involved—those ideals can be easily co-opted. Greed alters the public narrative, and we see this play out in real time through today’s media coverage.

A Case Study in Media Framing

Take, for example, the ongoing starvation of Palestinian infants and children. A leaked internal memo from The New York Times in 2024 reportedly instructed journalists not to refer to Palestine as an “occupied territory” or to use terms like “genocide” in their reporting. Regardless of where one stands politically, it’s clear that such editorial decisions shape public perception. When specific terms are off-limits, it becomes harder for readers to access the full scope of the issue, and easier for a particular narrative to dominate the conversation. In this case, media objectivity is compromised in favor of language that supports nationalist or colonialist perspectives.

It’s not just about one conflict and its framing. It’s about how newsrooms, under the pressure of corporate and political interests, contribute to constructing national identity in ways that may exclude or silence others. They become complicit. When journalism becomes selective in its truth-telling, it undermines its purpose and reinforces a worldview that favors power over people.

The Tech-Nationalism Feedback Loop

Nationalism, as Anderson reminds us, is a modern invention. It evolves alongside technology, and as our means of communication become faster and more centralized, so too does the spread of nationalist ideology. We see this not just in the U.S., but in places like China, where digital firewalls and media censorship shape the public’s perception of national identity. There, access to platforms like Facebook or Instagram is restricted not only for security, but also to protect a specific narrative.

Secular Allegiance and the Flattening of Identity

Anderson also notes how nationalism can take on secular forms, replacing religious or ethnic affiliations with allegiance to the nation-state. In theory, this could be a unifying force; something that helps people move beyond divisions and find common ground. In practice, though, it often flattens identity, pushing marginalized communities to conform to dominant norms or risk exclusion.

Conclusion: Who Gets Left Out?

This tension between imagined unity and lived reality is perhaps the most pressing issue with nationalism today. When media and technology become tools of influence rather than inquiry, they no longer create bridges between people. They create barriers.

Anderson’s work doesn’t just help explain the origins of nationalism; it offers a lens for questioning the stories we’re told and the systems that tell them. It invites us to ask the following question: Who benefits from these imagined communities? Who gets left out of the story?

By Ashlyn N. Ramirez


“Justice is possible without a knowledge of God’s Law.” — Alasdair MacIntyre
“Struggles for recognition occur in a world of exacerbated material inequality.” — Nancy Fraser

We like to think justice is simple. Fair. Earned. But what if the systems we rely on to define justice were never built for everyone in the first place?

In my studies, I found myself pulled between two powerful voices: Alasdair MacIntyre and Nancy Fraser. They don’t write textbooks. They write blueprints for understanding who gets to decide what’s fair—and who’s left out.

MacIntyre speaks in traditions. He says justice is shaped by culture, by religion, by inherited values. Justice, for him, isn’t universal—it’s rooted in communities shaped by Puritanism, Catholicism, and Judaism. If those are the traditions you’re part of, maybe his logic feels familiar. But for others, it can feel exclusive. It left me wondering: if your history isn’t part of those narratives, do you still get to belong?

Fraser, on the other hand, meets us in the present. She writes about what we can see: food insecurity, health gaps, systemic racism, and gender-based violence. Her lens is urgent, intersectional, and sharp. She says it’s not enough to redistribute wealth—you must also recognize identity. You can’t discuss equality without addressing visibility.


When Tradition Doesn’t See You

MacIntyre’s work made me pause. He believes we inherit rationality through community. That truth is shaped by tradition. The liberal media and secular politics have lost sight of deeper values. He’s not entirely wrong.

However, I don’t come from the traditions he centers on. And I don’t believe justice should be reserved only for people who follow a specific moral lineage. Justice, to me, can’t be something you earn through inheritance. It has to be something we build—together.

Irene Chu calls MacIntyre’s logic deeply institutional. He’s focused on structure. On moral blueprints. But I kept asking myself: what about people who are navigating systems that were never made with them in mind?


Seeing Ourselves in the Struggle

Fraser is different. She calls out material inequality—not just in paycheck size, but in access to healthcare, housing, and even clean air. Her work hit home. As someone who has lived through environmental racism and felt the physical cost of inequality, her ideas weren’t just theory. They were familiar.

Fraser argues for two kinds of justice: redistribution (who gets what) and recognition (who gets seen). She says you can’t have one without the other. Pride parades, she notes, aren’t just celebrations—they’re statements. Visibility is political.

She also doesn’t let systems off the hook. Fraser is critical of neoliberalism, identity tokenism, and top-down reform. She’s grounded in feminist theory and understands that structural change requires cultural and symbolic transformation too.


Where They Meet—and Where They Don’t

Both MacIntyre and Fraser believe justice isn’t working. But their solutions come from different places. One looks to the past; the other looks to systems and structures that still dominate the present.

They both criticize liberalism’s failures. Both challenge how Enlightenment ideals left out too many people. But only one of them, in my opinion, shows a path forward that includes all of us.

MacIntyre invites us to consider what we inherit. Fraser challenges us to change what we’ve normalized.


Why It Matters to Me

As a doctoral student researching the digital divide, I witness these frameworks being played out every day. Some students never had access to laptops or high-speed internet. That’s not just a tech issue—it’s a justice issue. Fraser’s lens helps me see that clearly.

But I also understand how culture shapes belief. That’s MacIntyre’s territory. Why some still resist digital learning. Why access isn’t just about money, but mindset.

Ultimately, both theorists provide tools. Fraser equips me to fight for equity. MacIntyre reminds me that beliefs are inherited—and that means they can be challenged.


Justice Isn’t Neutral. It’s Personal.

I’ve spent years trying to understand why justice seems so distant for some and so readily assumed for others. This journey through MacIntyre and Fraser didn’t provide me with a single perfect answer. But it gave me a better question:

Whose justice? Which rationality?

I think we’re all still trying to figure that out.


Ashlyn N. Ramirez is a doctoral candidate, writer, and researcher who explores media, identity, and access in the digital age.